Carver, Henry Edward (1820–1895)

By Denis Kaiser

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Denis Kaiser, Ph.D. (Andrews University, Berrien Springs, Michigan). Kaiser is an assistant professor of church history at the Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary, Andrews University. He has published numerous articles and book chapters. He was the annotation project editor of The Ellen G. White Letters and Manuscripts with Annotations, volume 2 (1860-1863), and is a co-editor of the Oxford Handbook of Seventh-day Adventism and of the Encyclopedia of Seventh-day Adventism’s history of theology and ethics section.

First Published: February 16, 2023

Henry E. Carver served as secretary of the Iowa Conference of Seventh-day Adventists from 1865 to 1866, and subsequently became a major leader and chief apologist of the Church of God (Seventh Day).

Early Life

Henry Edward Carver was born on February 5, 1820, in Baltimore, Maryland,1 to parents John N. and Sarah Ann (Clemmins) Carver.2 His family moved to Cincinnati, Ohio, when he was about six years old. At the age of 14 he became a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Cincinnati.3

Five years later, on October 13 or 16, 1839, Henry married Katherine “Kitty” Ann Glasco [Glascoe].4 She was born to Abram and Catharine Glasco [Glascoe] on November 13, 1818, in Bourbon County, Kentucky. At a young age, she accepted Jesus as her Savior and united with the Baptist church.5 Henry and Katherine had nine children, seven of which survived to adulthood: John A. Carver (1840-1906), Sarah C. Cleveland (1842-1932), Emma Fisher (1845-1921), George Washington Carver (1850-1932),6 Charles Amos Carver (1854-1919), Lewis Franklin “Frank” Carver (1856-1946), and William “Willie” Edwin Carver (1859-1934).7

Millerite Adventist Experience

During his youth, Carver read a book on the biblical prophecies, which included comments on Christ’s soon second coming. Although he was awed by those comments, it did not create in him an anticipation of that event because his knowledge of the Bible was rather limited.8 When William Miller’s preaching aroused widespread interest in the early 1840s, Henry Carver and his wife Kitty became believers in the soon personal and literal Second Coming of Jesus.9 Unfortunately, he was a member of a congregation that rejected the Advent doctrine, with his Sunday school teacher going so far as to attribute it to the devil. Feeling unable to remain with those that scorned the very thought of Jesus’ return, he separated from the Methodist Church.10 When Christ did not return on October 22, 1844, he was disappointed but not disheartened. He remained true to his conviction that Jesus would return very soon.

Sometime from 1845 to 1850, Carver served as an elder in a Second Advent congregation in Cincinnati.11 During that time, he twice experienced firsthand that church property, owned or leased by one of the believers, was lost to the cause because the individual departed from the faith or sold the lease. In the first case, the “large and convenient house of worship was converted into a vinegar establishment.” In the second case, “the lot (a valuable one then), and chapel, and furniture, including even the Bible, in which were recorded the names of the members, fell into the hands of a . . . barber of Cincinnati.” Legal efforts to regain the property were all in vain. “The result was, the church was broken up, and the cause has nearly, if not quite, died out in Cincinnati.”12

Joseph Bates, J. N. Andrews, and others visited his congregation in Cincinnati and presented to them their views of the seventh-day Sabbath. While some embraced the Sabbath truth, others, among them Carver, rejected it because they presumed that the law had been abolished.13 In the summer of 1851, James White sent him the August 5 issue of the Review and Herald, inviting him to review his response to J. B. Cook’s reply to E. D. Cook.14 Carver was not really convinced by the partial evidence for the doctrine of the seventh-day Sabbath, as found in that article.15 He accepted White’s invitation and reviewed his arguments in a letter to the Review a few weeks later.16 Carver stressed that it was not the function of the law to justify people but to show them that they are sinners and in need of a Savior. He concluded that both Jesus’ and the Holy Spirit’s teachings replaced the law given at Mount Sinai, concluding that the seventh-day Sabbath was no longer an obligation for Christians.17 Later, he recounted that at the time, he did not fully distinguish between the moral law (Decalogue) and the ceremonial law (ritual law).18 J. N. Andrews, he acknowledged, completely “demolished” his arguments. For the next couple years, Carver tried to be satisfied with a “no-Sabbath theory,” yet, according to his later recollection, he was “gradually losing that spiritual mindedness that [he] enjoyed under the messages of the first and second angels.”19 When he received books and papers on the Sabbath doctrine, he either left them unopened or merely glanced at them, fearing the potential ramifications that a thorough examination of the arguments and reasons for the Sabbath might have.20

Seventh-day Adventist Experience

In April 1855, Carver moved with his family from Cincinnati, Ohio, to Iowa City, Iowa, apparently removing him from any association with Sabbath keepers.21 Shortly afterwards, a family of Advent believers from Cincinnati moved to Iowa too and settled next door to the Carvers. The wife, who was esteemed by everybody as a true Christian, was a Sabbath keeper. Then, Carver became acquainted with Samuel Everett, another Sabbatarian Adventist. Both individuals kept the matter of the Sabbath before him by association and example.22 It was there, in the summer of 1858, that he learned that two Sabbatarian Adventist ministers—J. H. Waggoner and Moses Hull—were coming to Iowa City to hold tent meetings. Although he still believed in the nearness of the end of the earth, he tried to keep himself busy on his farm and avoid getting too close to those meetings.23 Yet circumstances changed, leaving him sitting around at home. He said that the thought

was impressed upon my mind that the time had come that I must decide whether these things were so, and if they were, that I must decide either to believe and keep the ten commandments as well as the faith of Jesus [Revelation 14:12], or I must reject them to my own condemnation; and I resolved, without consulting with flesh and blood, that by the grace of God I would investigate the subject, and having learned, if possible, the will of God, that I would obey it, let the consequences be what they might.24

Thus, from July 29 to August 16, 1858, Henry Carver and his wife attended the meetings and heard Waggoner preach on the seventh-day Sabbath, the third angel’s message (Revelation 14:9-12), and the two-horned beast (Revelation 13:11-18). He was amazed to see the “harmony between the law of God and the gospel of salvation,”25 a point he continued to emphasize later on.26 He and his wife were convinced by the message and embraced the seventh-day Sabbath.27 In November 1858, he explained in a Review article some of the reasons that caused him to abandon the position he had held three months earlier.28 Shortly afterwards, he furnished the Review with arguments from Alexander Campbell, cofounder of the Disciples of Christ, in favor of the Sabbatarian Adventist view of the immutability of the law of God.29

In February 1859, Carver and other believers from Iowa pledged $85 toward the purchase of an evangelistic tent, with Carver paying almost one-fifth of that amount.30 The Review shows him to be one of a handful of leading spokespersons for the Sabbatarian Adventists in Iowa.31 At a conference at Iowa City in June 1859, Carver along with two other believers were “unanimously chosen as [the] central tent committee for Iowa.”32 This responsibility was renewed in following years.33 Later, he served as a delegate at conference meetings in the state of Iowa.34 He also opened his home to Ellen and James White during their western tour in March 1860.35

In late October 1861, and thus just a few weeks after the churches in Michigan had formed the first Seventh-day Adventist state conference, Carver joined the discussion on formal church organization.36 He admitted that he felt creeping up within himself some anti-organizational sentiments stemming from the Millerite experience in 1843-1844, yet he also acknowledged the principle of order that exists in heaven, as revealed by the Bible, and, by general revelation, everywhere in nature. He wondered why it should be any different in God’s church on earth. Witnessing the post-disappointment chaos among Second Adventists in Cincinnati, he concluded that the anti-organizational attitude had impeded the cause. In conclusion, Carver appealed especially to those who had gained an experience with James White, J. H. Waggoner, J. N. Andrews, J. N. Loughborough, and others, affirming his own confidence in their trustworthiness and in God’s leading through them in the matter of church organization as a measure “necessary for the successful proclamation of the third angel’s message.”37

The American Civil War placed Seventh-day Adventists, however, before a real test. Their positions on engaging in the war were somewhat divided, from volunteering to complete rejection of military service. James White’s article “The Nation” in the Review of August 12, 1862, outlined the position that Seventh-day Adventists sympathized with the antislavery attitude of the current government but that they could not conscientiously volunteer for combat because it would most likely entail violation of the fourth and sixth commandments. Yet, White reasoned that in the case of a draft, the responsibility for violating God’s commandments would fall on the government, which God had put in place, and that it would be “madness” to resist the draft. He explained that he intended the article as a basis for discussion, not necessarily the final word, and invited others to write articles to shed more light on the subject.38

White’s article “astonished and grieved” Henry Carver as he felt that the “responsibility of violating the law of God” did not simply transfer from the believer to the government when the latter drafted him into the military. While he felt that Adventists were “bound to sustain the government,” they were to show disobedience when “the government shall require [them] to disobey God.”39 His strict pacifist position became evident when he stressed that “for years [he] had a deeply-settled conviction (whether wrong or not) that under no circumstances was it justifiable in a follower of the Lamb to use carnal weapons to take the lives of his fellow-men.”40 Carver concluded:

If the government can assume the responsibility now for the violation of two of [the Ten Commandments], and we go clear, why may not the same government assume the responsibility for the violation of the Sabbath law and we go clear when the edict goes forth that all shall observe the first day of the week.41

This point was telling and convincing so that James White did not bring up this argument again.42 Others were similarly startled at White’s position and concurred with Carver on the matter, yet subsequent explanations by White alleviated a crisis.43 Through his objections to White’s controversial “The Nation” article, Carver became a well-known figure.44 A couple months later, he notified fellow believers that his oldest son was fighting in the Union army, which understandably caused him much worry. He solicited the church’s prayers for him “that the Lord my preserve him alive, and so work upon his judgment and conscience, as to bring him to the cross of Christ for the salvation of his soul.”45

By early 1863, Carver had become “depressed by trials and temptations to such a degree that the burden of [his] prayers became, ‘Lord, withdraw not thy Holy Spirit from me; leave me not to myself, or I fall.’” When he took the president of the Iowa Conference, Benjamin F. Snook, to meetings at the church at Richmond and Dayton, Iowa, he felt how the Holy Spirit revived his heart. He was blessed by what he witnessed at the church and was happy to see that a false course—making faith in Ellen White’s visions a test for the admission of new members—had been corrected.46 Not long before, she had criticized the custom of some to urge her testimonies on those who have had no experience with the visions or who had been prejudiced by fanatics and extremists against anything bearing the name “vision.”47 On the other hand, she pointed out, those who had been thoroughly convinced of the divine origin of the visions, particularly those in influential positions in the church, should be held accountable if they were to rise up against the testimonies or disregard them.48 That distinction may not have been so clear to everybody in the church, though.

In February and March 1864, Carver exhibited his theological understanding, leadership qualities, and spiritual care for the cause. He manifested an ability to recognize nuances, an openness to be convinced otherwise, and a talent for expressing himself in a balanced way on contentious matters. These included debates regarding the resurrection of the wicked49 and whether capturing the human image in photographs constituted violation of the second commandment.50

In April 1864, the Carvers moved from Iowa City to Marion, Iowa, which had become a small hub of Seventh-day Adventists.51 The following year nevertheless brought tensions to the state of Iowa and the church at Marion when, in the spring of 1865, Benjamin F. Snook, president of the Iowa Conference, became gradually unsatisfied with the leadership of the General Conference and Ellen White’s prophetic claim.52 At the annual session of the Iowa Conference on July 3, 1865, Snook was replaced with George I. Butler as conference president, and the conference secretary, William H. Brinkerhoff, with Henry Carver.53 Although Carver joined Butler in the leadership of the conference at that time, it seems that he was dissatisfied with James White’s vehement opposition to Snook and his “rebellion.”54

Questions concerning Ellen White’s prophetic claim had come up in his own mind as well. The way some local churches treated those that doubted her visions, and the manner in which Snook and Brinkerhoff had been treated, seemed to give the impression that the visions actually functioned as a test of fellowship.55 Further, he was puzzled by her occasional practice of writing testimonies in which she addressed cases about which she had prior knowledge. He presumed that inspiration always had to reveal information about previously unknown situations rather than just good counsel or reproof on a known situation.56 Besides this conflict with his perspective of how divine inspiration should operate, Carver began to wonder about the phenomenon of progressive development in Ellen White’s own understanding of biblical teachings. Thus, when James White and J. N. Loughborough visited him at his home in Marion, Iowa, on July 15 or 16, 1865, Carver raised questions over whether Ellen White had believed in “the shut door” after the great disappointment in 1844.57 Although Carver did not remember “the exact words” of what James White had said, he recalled that in “substance” White had stated: “Considering her youthfulness at the time, and her faith in the shut-door doctrine, and her association with those of the same faith, it should not be considered singular if these things should give a coloring to the vision not warranted by what she really saw.”58

Later, Loughborough confirmed the truthfulness of Carver’s statement, yet he added that it was important to consider what James White had said before and afterwards. In his recollection, James White had stated that like nearly all Millerites, his wife had believed in the shut door after the disappointment. Her visions nevertheless contained elements of “an open as well as a shut door; and she did not at first distinctly understand what this open door meant.” It was her visions that led them to reach out to “some who had made no profession [of faith] before 1844, which was directly contrary to the practice of those who held the extreme view on the shut door.” Loughborough concluded that her visions led those who believed in them out of the extreme view.59

While Carver’s questions appeared to have been settled at that time, doubts remained, and gradually increased, as did uncertainty about his loyalty to the leadership of the church. He continued to carry the responsibility of conference secretary and organized a quarterly meeting of churches in the region to take place at Marion from September 15-17, 1865.60 Despite Snook’s known attitude towards the General Conference leadership and “the visions,” he was nevertheless picked to preach all the sermons and give all the presentations at the meeting. In his report, Carver stressed that Snook was really the only option as William S. Ingraham, the other minister in the area, remained surprisingly absent from the meeting. Then, Carver highlighted the special spiritual blessing that flowed from Snook’s sermons and presentations, for both members and visitors.61 Carver’s report in the Review is remarkable for at least two reasons: that he supported Snook so openly, and that Uriah Smith, editor of the Review, printed it as is, without comment.

Ingraham, who had been courted by Snook to separate from the Seventh-day Adventist Church in the previous spring,62 was watching the developments closely. In November, he visited several churches in the region and preached there with good results. His report in the Review included a comment that, while positive, at the same time implied suspicion of Carver’s attitude towards the denomination. He wrote: “It did me good to see the saints swing around into line of battle and come down with their testimonies on the spirit of rebellion. Especially were we cheered to hear Bro. Carver declare that the ark of God had not departed from us, and that he had no confidence in a rebellious spirit.”63

A little bit more than a month later, when Carver asked Ingraham to preach on January 6, 1866, at the Marion church, he declined until Snook agreed to be present to answer four questions in the hearing of the members. First, on whether he still believed that “the two-horned beast of Revelation 13 is a symbol of our government,” he answered, “No.” Second, on whether he still believed that “Sunday-keeping . . . is the mark of the beast,” Snook was undecided. Third, on whether he believed that “the seventh-day Sabbath is the seal of the living God,” Snook was not prepared to give an answer. Fourth, on whether he believed that “the three messages of Revelation 14 were given before the preaching of W[illia]m Miller,” Snook answered in the affirmative. Ingraham appeared to suspect that Carver and others in the Marion church were not only providing a safe haven for Snook but that they also shared his views.64 In subsequent weeks, Carver asked the church at Pilot Grove to permit Snook and Brinkerhoff to preach in their meeting-house, a request that the church formally declined, with 48 people signing with their name.65

Experience with the “Marion Party” / Church of God (Seventh Day)

Carver’s support for Snook and Brinkerhoff became even more visible when, in February 1866, he sent articles to the Review, in which he objected to the Seventh-day Adventist interpretation of the two-horned beast. The editor replied that they did “not decline [them] unconditionally,” yet before they would be published, it would be good to know not only what view Carver criticized but also what he put in its place.66 Thus his articles were not published in the Review.

On May 29, 1866, Carver revived the Hope of Israel that Gilbert Cranmer had been publishing from Waverly, Michigan, to rally seventh-day observing Adventists who rejected the Whites’ leadership and differed from the Seventh-day Adventists on certain points of prophecy interpretation.67 After publication of the Michigan-based periodical ceased on October 18, 1865, Carver had purchased and moved into his home in Marion the press that had been used to print it.68 In its new iteration the Hope of Israel was issued semi-monthly by the newly established Christian Publishing Association, with Carver as president. The earlier version of the Hope of Israel had recognized the growth of the group in Iowa, yet the periodical’s transfer to Marion also transferred, to a certain extent, the movement’s leadership, influencing not only its direction but also the climate between its supporters and Seventh-day Adventists.

Carver stated that the Hope of Israel was not designed as “a medium of needless and uncharitable warfare against any of our fellow beings,” but as an instrument to “glorify God,” create unity, and state “plainly (yet, . . . with courtesy and love)” what they considered to be the errors of those with whom they differed.69 With Brinkerhoff as editor from May 1866 to May 1868, and Snook from May 1868 to sometime in 1869,70 the course was nevertheless set to address specially items of disagreement with Seventh-day Adventists.

Since the Review had not published Carver’s articles on the two-horned beast of Revelation 13, he had them printed in the Hope of Israel. In those articles, he argued that the two-horned beast existed already long before the rise of the United States, identifying the beast with the Holy Roman Empire’s combined church-state power.71 Replying to a critique from Uriah Smith, editor of the Review,72 Carver further argued that the Seventh-day Adventist application of the two-horned beast to the United States was too narrow and that their mixing of theological errors with truth was the reason why the seventh-day Sabbath was opposed by many other Christians (guilt by association).73

Meanwhile, since Carver was still officially listed as secretary of the Iowa Conference of the Seventh-day Adventists, the annual session of the conference that met on June 8, 1866, dealt with his case, among other matters. The following motion was adopted, “Whereas, H. E. Carver, the Secretary of this Conference is in open opposition to some of the prominent doctrines held by this people, therefore Resolved, That his name be dropped from our list of Conference Officers, and that Bro. A. C. Bourdeau act as Secretary pro tem.”74 Together with Brinkerhoff, Carver was physically present and had positive conversations with those present, yet his own report of the meeting also indicated that he no longer considered himself a Seventh-day Adventist.75 On July 14, 1866, the “Church of God of Marion, Iowa” convened to elect church officers and transact business. Upon that occasion Carver was chosen as one of the two elders of the church. Another action was the founding of the Christian Home Missionary Society, with Brinkerhoff as president and Carver as secretary.76

For a while, Carver maintained cordial correspondence with several Seventh-day Adventist ministers and church members over theological positions and experiences.77 Although he had left Seventh-day Adventism, it seems that Seventh-day Adventism had not left him because much of his writing was still concerned with them and their matters.

For example, in 1868, he raised questions about a case that seemed to implicate James White’s honesty in financial matters, yet, as it turned out, there had been a misunderstanding that could be explained and clarified to the satisfaction of everybody involved.78 Further, Carver increasingly endeavored to prove “apparent discrepancies” and errors in Ellen White’s visions.79

Meanwhile, when Brinkerhoff and Snook left the Marion Party in 1869 and 1870 respectively, their leadership passed on to Henry Carver.80 At that time, a writer in the Review claimed that the leaders of the group were united in nothing but opposition, with their leaders going into Spiritualism.81 Carver and M. N. Kramer, both elders of the church at Marion, asked for a correction of that statement, “affirming that they are united on the great leading doctrines of the Bible summarily contained in the commandments of God, and faith of Jesus [Rev 14:12].” In turn, the Review gave “them the benefit of this statement, as we do not wish to represent any one in a light which may seem, even to him, to be unjust.”82 Carver rose to become “chief apologist” for the group and its prophetic interpretation. Besides parting with the Seventh-day Adventist view on the two-horned beast, he also moved away from their interpretation of the cleansing of the sanctuary in Daniel 8:14 by determining that this “cleansing” was related to rededication of the temple in Jerusalem in the second century B.C.83

In 1870, Henry Carver wrote the book Mrs. E. G. White’s Claims to Divine Inspiration Examined (108 pages).84 It built on the arguments Snook and Brinkerhoff made in the pamphlet The Visions of E. G. White, Not of God in 1866,85 but, as Merlin D. Burt notes, Carver “added a history of their separation from the Seventh-day Adventist Church and some additional ‘objections.’”86 Carver asserted that Ellen White’s visions resulted from various influences such as “her accident at the age of 9, the influence of Methodist demonstrative experience, and Millerite confusion after 1844.”87 Following the assertions of Snook and Brinkerhoff, he claimed that Seventh-day Adventists were trying to suppress Ellen White’s early visions and views because they were supposedly no longer in harmony with current Seventh-day Adventist teaching.88 In addition, he claimed that in the Bible, miracles were “always” given “as a test by which to know a true prophet,”89 a test that Ellen White could not meet.

Like his book, his public ministry aimed at opposing “Ellen White and the visions.”90 While he had an impact on those who had no opportunity to meet her, some who had read his book eventually became “convinced that [her] visions [were] of God” once they heard Ellen White for themselves.91

In the summer of 1870, Carver visited the Seventh-day Adventist camp meeting at Marion, and “seem[ed] determined to fight it out.” Finally, James White told him that they “were determined to have no controversy with him . . . and all [they] asked of him was to just leave [them] alone.”92 The following summer, quite a number of people that had been influenced by Carver and a Mr. Goodenough created opposition and divisiveness on May 25-29, 1871, at the Missouri camp meeting.93 In mid-June, Carver attended a camp meeting at La Porte City, Iowa. Ellen White was present and spoke on Sabbath morning, June 17. She perceived him and “his clan” as “stubbornly prejudiced.”94 James White, again requesting that Carver simply let them alone, noted,

We have always, until hard pressed, been on good terms with Mr. Carver, and very much regret that he should push matters to their present unpleasant position. But without cause of provocation, he has come out with a pamphlet in which he attacks our Christian character, and that of Mrs. W[hite]. We pity this man. He has a pen worthy of a better cause.95

Meanwhile, in 1871, Carver challenged the widespread notion concerning the divinity of Christ within the Marion Party. While most members believed that the Father alone was God, Carver began to defend vigorously Christ’s pre-existence, divinity, and virgin birth. Subsequent discussions resulted in a progression of thought on this subject within the Marion Party.96

In 1872, George Butler, then president of the General Conference, expressed his surprise that Henry Carver had accepted Nathan Fuller, a former Seventh-day Adventist minister who recently moved to Marion, into his church, permitting him to preach. In Wellsville, New York, Fuller had become known as a notorious liar and seducer of young women, infamous for multiple acts of criminal immorality.97 Carver replied that he was aware of Fuller’s former immoral behavior and stressed the need for the victims to forgive him. He was willing to restore the man and give him another chance, yet he may not have realized the gravity of Fuller’s conduct.98 Eventually, he and the church at Marion came to realize that many of the things Butler had mentioned were, in fact, true. As they got more and more into trouble thanks to Fuller’s behavior, they “appointed a committee” to request facts from Butler “with which to try Fuller.” Several years later Butler met Carver at Marion and in their conversation, Carver admitted that Butler had been right all along on Fuller and “that he owed [him] an apology.”99

Carver remained president of the Christian Publishing Association, which published the Hope of Israel (changed in 1872 to Advent and Sabbath Advocate, and Hope of Israel; and in 1874 to Advent and Sabbath Advocate), until at least May 1872.100 He was listed, however, as one of the “special contributors” of the periodical until at least March 1882101 and continued writing until nearly the end of his life.102

Meanwhile, in 1877, Carver published a second edition of his book critiquing Ellen White (80 pages),103 which modified his line of argument a little bit to answer Seventh-day Adventist responses to his first edition.104 In response to his earlier argument that their beliefs were based on her visions, Seventh-day Adventists wrote that their beliefs were entirely based on the Bible instead. Like other critics, he argued then that true divine revelations would disclose original teachings, so that her lack of originality—the fact that her “visions have brought out no points of faith held by the Seventh Day [sic] Adventists,”105—was another evidence against her claim to divine inspiration. Carver further claimed that her early visions resulted from mental illness and her improved health had caused her visions to become less frequent.106

Henry and his wife Katherine spent the last years of their lives with their daughter Catherine C. Cleveland.107 Henry was suffered from “poor health” for a long time and was “confined to his bed most of the time” during his final year of life. He passed away on December 18, 1895, at the age of 75.108 Katherine survived her husband for 14 months and passed away on February 20, 1897, at the age of 78.109 Both are buried at Oak Shade Cemetery in Marion, Iowa.110

Contribution

Henry Edward Carver was a Seventh-day Adventist lay member who, in the early 1860s, contributed important points to the discussions on church organization and military service. After removal of two administrators from the Iowa Conference, he was called to serve as conference secretary alongside George I. Butler, then also a lay member. Differing opinions on the two-horned beast of Revelation 13, Ellen White’s visions, and the treatment of detractors, however, led Carver to oppose church leaders and separate from the denomination, joining the off-shoot group in Iowa. Soon he became their chief apologist, and Seventh-day Adventists perceived him then as a major force in the Marion “rebellion.”111

Sources

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White, Arthur L. Ellen G. White: The Lonely Years, 1876-1891, vol. 3. Washington, DC: Review and Herald, 1984.

White, Arthur L. Ellen G. White: The Progressive Years, 1862-1876, vol. 2. Washington, DC: Review and Herald, 1986.

White, Ellen G. Letters and Manuscripts, Vol. 2 (1869-1875), Letters and Manuscripts, Vol. 3 (1876-1882), Letters and Manuscripts, Vol. 4 (1883-1886). Ellen G. White Writings. https://m.egwwritings.org/en/folders/1277.

[White, James]. “The brethren at the second Iowa camp-meeting . . . . ARH, June 27, 1871.

White, James. “The Nation.” ARH, August 19, 1862.

Notes

  1. “Henry E. Carver,” Find A Grave, Memorial ID 109943263, May 3, 2013, accessed March 24, 2019, https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/109943263/henry-e-carver.

  2. “Henry E. Carver” in 1856 Iowa census, Iowa City, Johnson County, page 94, digital image, accessed January 23, 2019, Ancestry.com.

  3. I. N. Kramer, “Henry Edward Carver obituary,” Marion Register, December 25, 1895, [2].

  4. Kramer, “Henry Edward Carver obituary,” [2]; “Henry E. Carver” and “Kittie A. Glascoe” in Iowa, Selected Marriages, 1758-1996, Ancestry.com, accessed June 10, 2020, http://ancestry.com.

  5. Kramer, “Henry Edward Carver obituary,” [8].

  6. Not to be confused with the renowned American scientist and inventor, George Washington Carver (c. 1864-1943).

  7. “Henry Edward Carver,” Cheryl Rae Maupin Family Tree, Ancestry.com, accessed February 15, 2023, https://www.ancestrylibrary.com/family-tree/person/tree/65977660/person/240191473604/facts.

  8. H. E. Carver, “Personal Experience,” Hope of Israel, April 28, 1874, 20-21; Robert Coulter, The Journey: A History of the Church of God (Seventh Day) ([Broomfield, CO: General Conference of the Church of God (Seventh Day)], 2014), 88.

  9. Kramer, “Henry Edward Carver obituary,” [8]; Coulter, The Journey, 88.

  10. Carver, “Personal Experience,” 21; Coulter, The Journey, 88.

  11. Z. Bisbee, S. Royce, and H. E. Carver to J. P. Weethee, July 7, 1850, quoted in The Trial of Elder J. V. Himes Before the Chardon Street Church Together with a Vindication of the Course Taken by Prof. J. P. Weethee and Elder George Needham Relative to Late Difficulties (Boston: Damrell & Moore, 1850), 3; cf. History of Hocking Valley, Ohio (Chicago: Inter-State Publ. Co., 1883), 766.

  12. Henry E. Carver, “Organization,” ARH, November 5, 1861, 182.

  13. Carver, “Personal Experience,” 21; Coulter, The Journey, 88-89.

  14. H. E. Carver, quoted in J. N. Andrews, “Discourse with Brother Carver,” ARH, September 16, 1851, 28; cf. [James White], “The Two Laws,” ARH, August 5, 1851, 4-6.

  15. H. E. Carver, “Letter from Bro. Carver,” ARH, September 30, 1858, 149.

  16. “Letters Received Since August 15th,” ARH, September 2, 1851, 24.

  17. Carver, quoted in Andrews, “Discourse with Brother Carver,” 28-30.

  18. Carver, “Personal Experience,” 21.

  19. Carver, “Letter from Bro. Carver,” September 30, 1858, 149.

  20. Carver, “Personal Experience,” 21.

  21. Kramer, “Henry Edward Carver obituary,” [4]; “Henry E. Carver” in 1856 Iowa census; Carver, “Personal Experience,” 21.

  22. Carver, “Personal Experience,” 21.

  23. Carver, “Letter from Bro. Carver,” September 30, 1858, 149.

  24. Ibid

  25. Ibid.

  26. Henry E. Carver, “Conference in Iowa City,” ARH, November 4, 1858, 189.

  27. J. H. Waggoner, “Tent Meetings in Iowa City,” ARH, September 9, 1858, 132.

  28. H. E. Carver, “Why I Keep the Sabbath,” ARH, November 18, 1858, 205-206.

  29. H. E. Carver, “A. Campbell and the Law,” ARH, November 25, 1858, 5; “To Correspondents: Bro. Carver of Iowa City . . .,” ARH, February 10, 1859, 96.

  30. Henry E. Carver, “Report of Meetings, &c,” ARH, March 3, 1859, 120. For later donations for the purchase of a tent see J. White, “Eastern Iowa Tent,” ARH, December 4, 1860, 24.

  31. L. Adams, et al., “Conference in Iowa,” ARH, April 28, 1859, 184; L. Adams, et al., “Conference in Iowa,” ARH, May 5, 1859, 192.

  32. M. E. Cornell and M. Hull, “Conference at Iowa City,” ARH, June 23, 1859, 36.

  33. V. M. Gray and I. N. Kramer, “Business Meeting of the Church at Marion, Iowa,” ARH, March 26, 1861, 149.

  34. “Conference in Lisbon, Iowa,” ARH, Supplement, [August 26, 1862], [1].

  35. J. White, “Meetings at Tipton, Iowa,” ARH, March 29, 1860, 148; J. White, “Making Us A Name,” ARH, April 5, 1860, 152; J. White, “Western Tour,” ARH, April 5, 1860, 156.

  36. Barry Oliver, “Denominational Organization, 1860–1863,” Encyclopedia of Seventh-day Adventists, January 29, 2020, accessed December 11, 2022, https://encyclopedia.adventist.org/article?id=6C18; Henry E. Carver, “Organization,” ARH, November 5, 1861, 182.

  37. Henry E. Carver, “Organization,” ARH, November 5, 1861, 182.

  38. James White, “The Nation,” ARH, August 19, 1862, 84.

  39. Henry E. Carver, “The War,” ARH, October 21, 1862, 166-167; also quoted in W. C. White, “Sketches and Memories of James and Ellen G. White: XXXVIII—The Civil War Crisis,” ARH, November 26, 1936, 6; Nino Bulzis, “Military Service and the Adventist Position—No. 1: The Challenge of Wartime Service,” ARH, February 17, 1983, 7.

  40. Carver, “The War,” 166. See also Peter Brock, “The Problem of the Civil War: When Seventh-day Adventists First Faced War,” Adventist Heritage 1, no. 1 (1974): 24; George R. Knight, “1862-1865: Adventists at War,” ARH, April 4, 1991, 14.

  41. Carver, “The War,” 166.

  42. Malcolm Bull and Keith Lockhart, Seeking a Sanctuary: Seventh-day Adventism and the American Dream, 2nd ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007), 187.

  43. J. M. Aldrich, “The War,” ARH, December 23, 1862, 30.

  44. Bull and Lockhart, Seeking a Sanctuary, 201.

  45. H. E. Carver, “Letter from Bro. Carver,” ARH, March 3, 1863, 111.

  46. Ibid.

  47. Ellen G. White, Testimonies for the Church, 9 vols. (Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press, 1948), 1:328 [1862].

  48. Ibid., 1:382, 369.

  49. Henry E. Carver, “The Death Incurred by Sin,” ARH, February 16, 1864, 94.

  50. Henry E. Carver, “From Bro. Carver,” ARH, March 1, 1864, 110-111. James White provided a nuanced answer to the question of taking pictures in [James White], “From Bro. Carver: Note,” ARH, March 1, 1864, 111.

  51. Kramer, “Obituary: Henry Edward Carver,” Marion Register, [2].

  52. Coulter, The Journey, 91; Denis Kaiser, “Snook, Benjamin Franklin (1835–1902),” Encyclopedia of Seventh-day Adventists, January 29, 2020, accessed February 9, 2023, https://encyclopedia.adventist.org/article?id=AA6M.

  53. G. I. Butler and H. E. Carver, “Business Proceedings of the Iowa State Conference Held at Pilot Grove, Iowa, July 3, 1865,” ARH, August 1, 1865, 70. See also Kevin M. Burton, “Centralized for Protection: George I. Butler and His Philosophy of One-Person Leadership” (M.A. thesis, Andrews University, 2015), 40.

  54. Coulter, The Journey, 92-93.

  55. Ibid, 94.

  56. Ibid, 91.

  57. J. N. Loughborough, “Response,” ARH, September 25, 1866, 133; cf. J. White, “Western Tour,” ARH, July 25, 1865, 60.

  58. Loughborough, “Response,” 133.

  59. Ibid., 134. For more information on the progressing understanding of the shut door, see Merlin D. Burt, “Understanding Ellen White and the ‘Shut Door’,” in Understanding Ellen White: The Life and Work of the Most Influential Voice in Adventist History, ed. Merlin D. Burt (Nampa, ID; Silver Spring, MD: Pacific Press and Ellen G. White Estate, 2015), 166-179.

  60. H. E. Carver, “Appointments,” ARH, September 5, 1865, 112.

  61. H. E. Carver, “Report of the Late Marion Quarterly Meeting,” ARH, October 3, 1865, 141.

  62. Coulter, The Journey, 91.

  63. Wm. S. Ingraham, “Report from Bro. Ingraham,” ARH, December 19, 1865, 22.

  64. Wm. S. Ingraham, “Matters in Iowa,” ARH, January 23, 1866, 63.

  65. “A Good Move in Iowa: From the Church at Pilot Grove,” ARH, February 20, 1866, 94-95.

  66. “To Correspondents,” ARH, March 6, 1866, 112.

  67. Denis Kaiser, “Cranmer, Gilbert W. (1814–1903),” Encyclopedia of Seventh-day Adventists, September 1, 2020, accessed February 9, 2023, https://encyclopedia.adventist.org/article?id=G96G.

  68. Richard C. Nickels, A History of the Seventh Day Church of God, vol. 1 (Portland, OR: The Author, 1977), 64; Gary Land, The A to Z of the Seventh-day Adventists, The A to Ze Guide Series 43 (Lanham, et al.: Scarecrow Press, 2009), 63.

  69. Henry E. Carver, “To the Christian Public and Especially to the Brethren of the Seventh-day Adventist Church,” Hope of Israel, May 29, 1866, 5.

  70. The Hope of Israel, May 5, 1868, 181; The Hope of Israel, May 19, 1868, 189; The Hope of Israel, May 4, 1869, 185. The issues between May 4, 1869 and June 27, 1871 appear to be missing, yet by November 1870, he had already left the Marion Party and embraced Universalism. See Ellen G. White to James Edson and Emma White, November 9, 1870, Letter 18, 1870, accessed March 17, 2019, https://egwwritings.org/?ref=en_Lt18-1870¶=3330.1.

  71. “The Two-Horned Beast of Revelations [sic], 13th,” Hope of Israel, May 29, 1866, 5; H. E. Carver, “An Exposition of Revelations [sic] XIII,” Hope of Israel, May 29, 1866, 6; H. E. Carver, “An Exposition of Revelations [sic] XIII,” Hope of Israel, June 12, 1866, 14-15; H. E. Carver, “An Exposition of Revelations [sic] XIII,” Hope of Israel, June 26, 1866, 22-23; H. E. Carver, “An Exposition of Revelations [sic] XIII,” Hope of Israel, July 10, 1866, 30; H. E. Carver, “An Exposition of Revelations [sic] XIII,” Hope of Israel, July 24, 1866, 38-39; H. E. Carver, “An Exposition of Revelations [sic] XIII,” Hope of Israel, August 7, 1866, 46-47; H. E. Carver, “An Exposition of Revelations [sic] XIII,” Hope of Israel, August 21, 1866, 54; H. E. Carver, “An Exposition of Revelations [sic] XIII,” Hope of Israel, September 4, 1866, 58; H. E. Carver, “An Exposition of Revelations [sic] XIII,” Hope of Israel, September 18, 1866, 65-66; H. E. Carver, “An Exposition of Revelations [sic] XIII,” Hope of Israel, October 2, 1866, 75-76. See also Coulter, The Journey, 95.

  72. Uriah Smith, “The Two-horned Beast,” ARH, October 9, 1866, 148; Uriah Smith, “The Two-horned Beast: A Review of H. E. Carver,” ARH, November 6, 1866, 180; Uriah Smith, “The Two-horned Beast: A Review of H. E. Carver,” ARH, November 20, 1866, 196-197.

  73. H. E. Carver, “The Two-Horned Beast,” Hope of Israel, November 6, 1866, 88-89; Henry E. Carver, “Correspondence between Eld. J. H. Waggoner and H. E. Carver,” Hope of Israel, January 1, 1867, 118-119.

  74. G. I. Butler and A. C. Bourdeau, “Fourth Annual Meeting of the Iowa State Conference,” ARH, July 17, 1866, 49; G. I. Butler and A. C. Bourdeau, “Fourth Annual Meeting of the Iowa State Conference,” in The Constitution and Business Proceedings of the Iowa State Conference for the Years 1863, ’64, ’65, & ’66 (Battle Creek, MI: Steam Press of the Seventh-day Adventist Publ. Assn., 1866), 7.

  75. H. E. Carver, “Visit to the Iowa S. D. A. Annual Conference,” Hope of Israel, June 26, 1866, 20.

  76. V. M. Gray and M. N. Kramer, “Business Proceedings of the Church of God of Marion, Iowa,” Hope of Israel, August 7, 1866, 44-45; W. H. Brinkerhoff and H. E. Carver, “Christian Home Missionary Society,” Hope of Israel, August 7, 1866, 45.

  77. Henry E. Carver, “Correspondence between Eld. J. H. Waggoner and H. E. Carver,” Hope of Israel, January 1, 1867 118-119; W. H. Ball to H. E. Carver, [April 1868], Ellen G. White Estate.

  78. J. N. Andrews, G. H. Bell, and U. Smith, Defense of Eld. James White and Wife: Vindication of Their Moral and Christian Character (Battle Creek, MI: Steam Press of the Seventh-day Adventist Publ. Assn., 1870), 17.

  79. Henry E. Carver, “The Visions—Objection Answers Examined,” Hope of Israel, July 10, 1866, 29-30; Henry E. Carver, “The Visions—Objection Answers Examined,” Hope of Israel, July 24, 1866, 37-38; Henry E. Carver, “The Visions—Objection Answers Examined,” Hope of Israel, August 7, 1866, 45-46; Henry E. Carver, “Conflicting Statements,” Hope of Israel, March 26, 1867, 160; H. E. Carver, “The Clock-Dial Vision,” Hope of Israel, May 5, 1868, 185; J. H. Waggoner, “The Clock-Dial Vision,” ARH, June 23, 1868, 9.

  80. Richard W. Schwarz, Light Bearers to the Remnant: Denominational History Textbook for Seventh-day Adventist College Classes (Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press, 1979), 135; Denis Kaiser, “Snook, Benjamin Franklin (1835–1902),” Encyclopedia of Seventh-day Adventists, January 29, 2020, accessed December 14, 2022, https://encyclopedia.adventist.org/article?id=AA6M.

  81. John McMillan, “From Bro. McMillan,” ARH, August 4, 1868, 107.

  82. “On page 107 . . .,” ARH, October 6, 1868, 200.

  83. Coulter, The Journey, 94.

  84. H. E. Carver, Mrs. E. G. White’s Claims to Divine Inspiration Examined (Marion, IA: Hope of Israel Office, 1870).

  85. Benjamin F. Snook and William H. Brinkerhoff, The Visions of E. G. White, Not of God (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Cedar Rapids Valley Times Book and Job Print, 1866).

  86. Merlin D. Burt, “Bibliographic Essay on Publications About Ellen G. White,” in The Ellen G. White Encyclopedia, ed. Denis Fortin and Jerry Moon (Hagerstown, MD: Review and Herald, 2013), 154.

  87. Ibid., 154, 155.

  88. George I. Butler, “Early Writings and Suppression,” ARH, August 14, 1883, 4. See also Francis D. Nichol, Ellen G. White and Her Critics: An Answer to the Major Charges That Critics Have Brought Against Mrs. Ellen G. White (Washington, DC: Review and Herald, 1951), 270 fn.

  89. J. N. Loughborough, “The Study of the Testimonies—No. 4,” General Conference Daily Bulletin, January 31-February 1, 1893, 60-61.

  90. Arthur L. White, Ellen G. White: The Progressive Years, 1862-1876, vol. 2 (Washington, DC: Review and Herald, 1986), 320.

  91. Ellen G. White to James White, Letter 27, 1880, May 2, 1880, Letters and Manuscripts, Vol. 3 (1876-1882), Ellen G. White Writings, https://m.egwwritings.org/en/book/14053/info. See also Arthur L. White, Ellen G. White: The Lonely Years, 1876-1891, vol. 3 (Washington, DC: Review and Herald, 1984), 135.

  92. [James White], “The brethren at the second Iowa camp-meeting . . . , ARH, June 27, 1871, 16.

  93. General Conference Committee, “Missouri Camp-meeting,” ARH, May 2, 1871, 160; [James White], “Western Tour,” ARH, June 13, 1871, 205; D. M. Canright and W. H. Littlejohn, “Report of the Missouri and Kansas Camp-Meeting,” ARH, June 13, 1871, 205; Arthur L. White, Ellen G. White: The Progressive Years, 1862-1876, vol. 2 (Washington, DC: Review and Herald, 1986), 320.

  94. Ellen G. White to Lucinda M. Hall, Letter 29, 1871, June 17, 1871, Letters and Manuscripts, Vol. 2 (1869-1875), Ellen G. White Writings, https://m.egwwritings.org/en/book/14052/info.

  95. [James White], “The brethren at the second Iowa camp-meeting . . . .”

  96. Robert Coulter, “Foundations of Faith,” Bible Advocate, online edition, January 18, 2018, accessed March 24, 2019, https://baonline.org/foundations-of-faith/.

  97. George I. Butler, “An Astonishing Fact,” ARH, October 15, 1872, 141-142.

  98. George I. Butler, “Nathan Fuller Once More,” ARH, November 19, 1872, 181.

  99. George I. Butler, “Early Writings and Suppression,” ARH, Supplement, August 14, 1883, 4.

  100. Advent and Sabbath Advocate, and Hope of Israel, May 28, 1872, 185. The next extent issue, from March 31, 1874, no longer lists neither the Christian Publishing Association as publisher nor Carver as president of said association. Advent and Sabbath Advocate, March 31, 1874, 1.

  101. Advent and Sabbath Advocate, March 28, 1882, 404.

  102. Coulter, The Journey, 96.

  103. H. E. Carver, Mrs. E. G. White’s Claims to Divine Inspiration Examined, 2nd ed. (Marion, IA: Advent and Sabbath Advocate Press, 1877).

  104. Burt, “Bibliographic Essay on Publications About Ellen G. White,” 155.

  105. Carver, Mrs. E. G. White’s Claims to Divine Inspiration Examined, 2nd ed., 74. See also Burt, “Bibliographic Essay on Publications About Ellen G. White,” 155.

  106. Ibid.

  107. Kramer, “Henry Edward Carver obituary,” [2].

  108. “Henry E. Carver . . . ,” Marion Pilot, December 19, 1895, [8].

  109. Kramer, “Henry Edward Carver obituary,”[8]; “Katharine Ann ‘Kitty’ Glascoe Carver,” Find A Grave, Memorial ID 109943279, May 3, 2013, accessed December 9, 2022, https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/109943279/katherine-ann-carver.

  110. “Henry Edward Carver” Find A Grave.

  111. Ellen G. White to Uriah Smith, July 31, 1883, Letter 3, 1883, Letters and Manuscripts, Vol. 4 (1883-1886), Ellen G. White Writings, https://m.egwwritings.org/en/book/14054/info.

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Kaiser, Denis. "Carver, Henry Edward (1820–1895)." Encyclopedia of Seventh-day Adventists. February 16, 2023. Accessed June 18, 2024. https://encyclopedia.adventist.org/article?id=493C.

Kaiser, Denis. "Carver, Henry Edward (1820–1895)." Encyclopedia of Seventh-day Adventists. February 16, 2023. Date of access June 18, 2024, https://encyclopedia.adventist.org/article?id=493C.

Kaiser, Denis (2023, February 16). Carver, Henry Edward (1820–1895). Encyclopedia of Seventh-day Adventists. Retrieved June 18, 2024, https://encyclopedia.adventist.org/article?id=493C.